계엄의 합법성과 탄핵의 불법성 그리고 종중・종북인 반국가세력의 내란
The Legality of Martial Law and the Illegality of Impeachment and the Insurrection by Anti-State Forces—Pro-North and Pro-Communist Factions
In a liberal democratic nation, elections are the foundation of the system. However, there are suspicions that election fraud in South Korea has been occurring since 2002, when electronic vote-counting machines were fully introduced. In South Korea, there have been numerous suspected cases of election fraud, including National Election Commission servers connected to external networks, the server password “12345,” vote counts exceeding the number of registered voters in a district, ballots with no crease marks, ballots where the election supervisor’s fingerprint was not properly stamped, and electronic vote-counting machines continuously counting votes only for specific candidates—all of which mirror the patterns of election fraud discovered in the United States. Regarding this, President Yoon Suk-yeol had no way to verify whether election fraud had occurred in South Korea. This was because the Democratic Party of Korea and the judiciary blocked all investigations into the voter registry and the National Election Commission’s servers, leaving the President with no choice but to verify the situation through martial law administration under the emergency martial law procedures available to him.
In the 20th Presidential Election on March 9, 2022, candidate Yoon Suk-yeol was confirmed to be leading candidate Lee Jae-myung by about 10% up until the day before the election. However, on election day itself, Yoon Suk-yeol won by a narrow margin of 0.73%. This was the result of having built such an overwhelming lead that he could win even in the face of election fraud manipulation, ultimately securing victory by a very narrow margin. Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea raised no objections to this outcome. This was not an acceptance of the election results, but rather a hasty concession out of fear that raising objections would lead to the exposure of election fraud. Even in the 21st National Assembly election held on April 15, 2020, prior to the presidential election, the Democratic Party of Korea was suspected of securing a number of seats far exceeding a majority through election fraud. Once the Yoon Suk-yeol administration took office, Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea used that majority to paralyze state affairs by impeaching dozens of innocent high-ranking public officials and slashing the core budget of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration. They also obstructed criminal investigations, including those into drug-related crimes, and, through civic groups affiliated with them, began a campaign to oust and impeach President Yoon Suk-yeol even before his inauguration.
Furthermore, they filed impeachment motions against prosecutors investigating corruption involving Lee Jae-myung himself—who is currently facing five trials and investigations on 12 charges—and Democratic Party lawmakers, in an attempt to prevent these investigations from proceeding. Until President Yoon Suk-yeol was impeached by the Constitutional Court on April 4, 2025, Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea passed resolutions to impeach cabinet members and prosecutors—who were not facing any charges—on 22 separate occasions. In the case of the Minister of Justice, they even went so far as to file an impeachment motion simply because he had glared at Lee Jae-myung, the leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, in the National Assembly. In South Korea, once an impeachment motion is filed, the accused is suspended from duty until the Constitutional Court issues a ruling. This led to a situation where cabinet members and prosecutors were unable to perform their duties—including governing and conducting investigations—for approximately six months pending the Court’s decision. Due to these legal complications, whenever Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party proposed an impeachment motion, the targets often resigned voluntarily out of concern that their resignations would paralyze administrative operations.
These impeachment motions by the Democratic Party of Korea—aimed at paralyzing state affairs and obstructing investigations—as well as the agitation and protests calling for President Yoon Suk-yeol’s resignation, were all carried out under orders from China and North Korea. This has been revealed through investigations and trials of North Korean spies, and it is evident from the content of the first impeachment motion against President Yoon Suk-yeol submitted by Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea immediately after martial law was declared, which alleged that the Yoon Suk-yeol administration was pro-U.S. and pro-Japan while neglecting relations with China and Russia.In light of these persistent allegations of election fraud, the dozens of impeachment motions filed by Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party against innocent public officials under orders from China and North Korea, the paralysis of state affairs caused by cuts to core national budgets, the obstruction of drug investigations, the obstruction of investigations into their own corruption, and threats against the judiciary currently trying Lee Jae-myung and Democratic Party lawmakers—President Yoon Suk-yeol could not help but harbor serious concerns that South Korea’s liberal democratic system, which the United States defended at the cost of blood, might collapse.
Then, upon seeing the Democratic Party of Korea move to impeach the Auditor General on December 2, 2024, he decided to declare martial law to inform the public of the reality facing the Republic of Korea. During the administration of President Moon Jae-in, President Yoon’s immediate predecessor, the U.S. THAAD system was deployed in Seongju County, North Gyeongsang Province. To obstruct this, the Director of National Security under the Moon administration and others leaked classified information regarding the equipment’s delivery to China and anti-THAAD protest groups, and the Board of Audit and Inspection had intended to investigate this. Additionally, fraudulent hiring practices were rampant within the National Election Commission, and the Board of Audit and Inspection had intended to investigate these as well. However, on December 2, 2024, Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea moved to impeach the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection in an attempt to block investigations into the National Election Commission’s irregular hiring—which was suspected of being linked to election fraud—and the Moon Jae-in administration’s espionage activities on behalf of China and North Korea. Upon witnessing this, President Yoon Suk-yeol, unable to stand idly by in the face of such atrocities committed by anti-state forces, decided to impose martial law on December 2, 2024, to safeguard the constitutional order of liberal democracy, and subsequently declared martial law at 10:30 p.m. on December 3, 2024.
President Yoon Suk-yeol’s state of emergency was declared at 10:30 p.m. on December 3, 2024, and, following the National Assembly’s resolution to lift martial law at 1:03 a.m. on December 4, 2024, troops were immediately withdrawn from the National Assembly, effectively lifting the state of emergency. Subsequently, the lifting was formally declared at 4:29 a.m. on December 4, 2024, following a Cabinet meeting. In effect, martial law was lifted in just about two and a half hours. Only a very small number of soldiers and police were mobilized for martial law, and they were deployed to the National Assembly and buildings related to the National Election Commission. They were deployed to the National Assembly to maintain order out of concern that large crowds might gather there, and they were deployed to facilities related to the National Election Commission out of concern that forces involved in election fraud might attempt to remove evidence of fraud to the outside during martial law. The purpose of the deployment to the National Election Commission’s server room was to verify whether issues previously identified by the National Intelligence Service during an inspection of the Commission’s IT management—such as whether connections to external networks had been blocked and whether passwords were set to “12345”—had been rectified. Even these basic checks could not be carried out due to obstruction by the National Election Commission and the judiciary.
By Song Jin-hoAttorney for President Yoon Suk-yeol
In a liberal democratic nation, elections are the foundation of the system. However, there are suspicions that election fraud in South Korea has been occurring since 2002, when electronic vote-counting machines were fully introduced. In South Korea, there have been numerous suspected cases of election fraud, including National Election Commission servers connected to external networks, the server password “12345,” vote counts exceeding the number of registered voters in a district, ballots with no crease marks, ballots where the election supervisor’s fingerprint was not properly stamped, and electronic vote-counting machines continuously counting votes only for specific candidates—all of which mirror the patterns of election fraud discovered in the United States. Regarding this, President Yoon Suk-yeol had no way to verify whether election fraud had occurred in South Korea. This was because the Democratic Party of Korea and the judiciary blocked all investigations into the voter registry and the National Election Commission’s servers, leaving the President with no choice but to verify the situation through martial law administration under the emergency martial law procedures available to him.
In the 20th Presidential Election on March 9, 2022, candidate Yoon Suk-yeol was confirmed to be leading candidate Lee Jae-myung by about 10% up until the day before the election. However, on election day itself, Yoon Suk-yeol won by a narrow margin of 0.73%. This was the result of having built such an overwhelming lead that he could win even in the face of election fraud manipulation, ultimately securing victory by a very narrow margin. Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea raised no objections to this outcome. This was not an acceptance of the election results, but rather a hasty concession out of fear that raising objections would lead to the exposure of election fraud. Even in the 21st National Assembly election held on April 15, 2020, prior to the presidential election, the Democratic Party of Korea was suspected of securing a number of seats far exceeding a majority through election fraud. Once the Yoon Suk-yeol administration took office, Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea used that majority to paralyze state affairs by impeaching dozens of innocent high-ranking public officials and slashing the core budget of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration. They also obstructed criminal investigations, including those into drug-related crimes, and, through civic groups affiliated with them, began a campaign to oust and impeach President Yoon Suk-yeol even before his inauguration.
Furthermore, they filed impeachment motions against prosecutors investigating corruption involving Lee Jae-myung himself—who is currently facing five trials and investigations on 12 charges—and Democratic Party lawmakers, in an attempt to prevent these investigations from proceeding. Until President Yoon Suk-yeol was impeached by the Constitutional Court on April 4, 2025, Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea passed resolutions to impeach cabinet members and prosecutors—who were not facing any charges—on 22 separate occasions. In the case of the Minister of Justice, they even went so far as to file an impeachment motion simply because he had glared at Lee Jae-myung, the leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, in the National Assembly. In South Korea, once an impeachment motion is filed, the accused is suspended from duty until the Constitutional Court issues a ruling. This led to a situation where cabinet members and prosecutors were unable to perform their duties—including governing and conducting investigations—for approximately six months pending the Court’s decision. Due to these legal complications, whenever Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party proposed an impeachment motion, the targets often resigned voluntarily out of concern that their resignations would paralyze administrative operations.
These impeachment motions by the Democratic Party of Korea—aimed at paralyzing state affairs and obstructing investigations—as well as the agitation and protests calling for President Yoon Suk-yeol’s resignation, were all carried out under orders from China and North Korea. This has been revealed through investigations and trials of North Korean spies, and it is evident from the content of the first impeachment motion against President Yoon Suk-yeol submitted by Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea immediately after martial law was declared, which alleged that the Yoon Suk-yeol administration was pro-U.S. and pro-Japan while neglecting relations with China and Russia.In light of these persistent allegations of election fraud, the dozens of impeachment motions filed by Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party against innocent public officials under orders from China and North Korea, the paralysis of state affairs caused by cuts to core national budgets, the obstruction of drug investigations, the obstruction of investigations into their own corruption, and threats against the judiciary currently trying Lee Jae-myung and Democratic Party lawmakers—President Yoon Suk-yeol could not help but harbor serious concerns that South Korea’s liberal democratic system, which the United States defended at the cost of blood, might collapse.
Then, upon seeing the Democratic Party of Korea move to impeach the Auditor General on December 2, 2024, he decided to declare martial law to inform the public of the reality facing the Republic of Korea. During the administration of President Moon Jae-in, President Yoon’s immediate predecessor, the U.S. THAAD system was deployed in Seongju County, North Gyeongsang Province. To obstruct this, the Director of National Security under the Moon administration and others leaked classified information regarding the equipment’s delivery to China and anti-THAAD protest groups, and the Board of Audit and Inspection had intended to investigate this. Additionally, fraudulent hiring practices were rampant within the National Election Commission, and the Board of Audit and Inspection had intended to investigate these as well. However, on December 2, 2024, Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea moved to impeach the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection in an attempt to block investigations into the National Election Commission’s irregular hiring—which was suspected of being linked to election fraud—and the Moon Jae-in administration’s espionage activities on behalf of China and North Korea. Upon witnessing this, President Yoon Suk-yeol, unable to stand idly by in the face of such atrocities committed by anti-state forces, decided to impose martial law on December 2, 2024, to safeguard the constitutional order of liberal democracy, and subsequently declared martial law at 10:30 p.m. on December 3, 2024.
President Yoon Suk-yeol’s state of emergency was declared at 10:30 p.m. on December 3, 2024, and, following the National Assembly’s resolution to lift martial law at 1:03 a.m. on December 4, 2024, troops were immediately withdrawn from the National Assembly, effectively lifting the state of emergency. Subsequently, the lifting was formally declared at 4:29 a.m. on December 4, 2024, following a Cabinet meeting. In effect, martial law was lifted in just about two and a half hours. Only a very small number of soldiers and police were mobilized for martial law, and they were deployed to the National Assembly and buildings related to the National Election Commission. They were deployed to the National Assembly to maintain order out of concern that large crowds might gather there, and they were deployed to facilities related to the National Election Commission out of concern that forces involved in election fraud might attempt to remove evidence of fraud to the outside during martial law. The purpose of the deployment to the National Election Commission’s server room was to verify whether issues previously identified by the National Intelligence Service during an inspection of the Commission’s IT management—such as whether connections to external networks had been blocked and whether passwords were set to “12345”—had been rectified. Even these basic checks could not be carried out due to obstruction by the National Election Commission and the judiciary.
In a liberal democratic nation, elections are the foundation of the system. However, there are suspicions that election fraud in South Korea has been occurring since 2002, when electronic vote-counting machines were fully introduced. In South Korea, there have been numerous suspected cases of election fraud, including National Election Commission servers connected to external networks, the server password “12345,” vote counts exceeding the number of registered voters in a district, ballots with no crease marks, ballots where the election supervisor’s fingerprint was not properly stamped, and electronic vote-counting machines continuously counting votes only for specific candidates—all of which mirror the patterns of election fraud discovered in the United States. Regarding this, President Yoon Suk-yeol had no way to verify whether election fraud had occurred in South Korea. This was because the Democratic Party of Korea and the judiciary blocked all investigations into the voter registry and the National Election Commission’s servers, leaving the President with no choice but to verify the situation through martial law administration under the emergency martial law procedures available to him.
In the 20th Presidential Election on March 9, 2022, candidate Yoon Suk-yeol was confirmed to be leading candidate Lee Jae-myung by about 10% up until the day before the election. However, on election day itself, Yoon Suk-yeol won by a narrow margin of 0.73%. This was the result of having built such an overwhelming lead that he could win even in the face of election fraud manipulation, ultimately securing victory by a very narrow margin. Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea raised no objections to this outcome. This was not an acceptance of the election results, but rather a hasty concession out of fear that raising objections would lead to the exposure of election fraud. Even in the 21st National Assembly election held on April 15, 2020, prior to the presidential election, the Democratic Party of Korea was suspected of securing a number of seats far exceeding a majority through election fraud. Once the Yoon Suk-yeol administration took office, Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea used that majority to paralyze state affairs by impeaching dozens of innocent high-ranking public officials and slashing the core budget of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration. They also obstructed criminal investigations, including those into drug-related crimes, and, through civic groups affiliated with them, began a campaign to oust and impeach President Yoon Suk-yeol even before his inauguration.
Furthermore, they filed impeachment motions against prosecutors investigating corruption involving Lee Jae-myung himself—who is currently facing five trials and investigations on 12 charges—and Democratic Party lawmakers, in an attempt to prevent these investigations from proceeding. Until President Yoon Suk-yeol was impeached by the Constitutional Court on April 4, 2025, Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea passed resolutions to impeach cabinet members and prosecutors—who were not facing any charges—on 22 separate occasions. In the case of the Minister of Justice, they even went so far as to file an impeachment motion simply because he had glared at Lee Jae-myung, the leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, in the National Assembly. In South Korea, once an impeachment motion is filed, the accused is suspended from duty until the Constitutional Court issues a ruling. This led to a situation where cabinet members and prosecutors were unable to perform their duties—including governing and conducting investigations—for approximately six months pending the Court’s decision. Due to these legal complications, whenever Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party proposed an impeachment motion, the targets often resigned voluntarily out of concern that their resignations would paralyze administrative operations.
These impeachment motions by the Democratic Party of Korea—aimed at paralyzing state affairs and obstructing investigations—as well as the agitation and protests calling for President Yoon Suk-yeol’s resignation, were all carried out under orders from China and North Korea. This has been revealed through investigations and trials of North Korean spies, and it is evident from the content of the first impeachment motion against President Yoon Suk-yeol submitted by Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea immediately after martial law was declared, which alleged that the Yoon Suk-yeol administration was pro-U.S. and pro-Japan while neglecting relations with China and Russia.In light of these persistent allegations of election fraud, the dozens of impeachment motions filed by Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party against innocent public officials under orders from China and North Korea, the paralysis of state affairs caused by cuts to core national budgets, the obstruction of drug investigations, the obstruction of investigations into their own corruption, and threats against the judiciary currently trying Lee Jae-myung and Democratic Party lawmakers—President Yoon Suk-yeol could not help but harbor serious concerns that South Korea’s liberal democratic system, which the United States defended at the cost of blood, might collapse.
Then, upon seeing the Democratic Party of Korea move to impeach the Auditor General on December 2, 2024, he decided to declare martial law to inform the public of the reality facing the Republic of Korea. During the administration of President Moon Jae-in, President Yoon’s immediate predecessor, the U.S. THAAD system was deployed in Seongju County, North Gyeongsang Province. To obstruct this, the Director of National Security under the Moon administration and others leaked classified information regarding the equipment’s delivery to China and anti-THAAD protest groups, and the Board of Audit and Inspection had intended to investigate this. Additionally, fraudulent hiring practices were rampant within the National Election Commission, and the Board of Audit and Inspection had intended to investigate these as well. However, on December 2, 2024, Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party of Korea moved to impeach the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection in an attempt to block investigations into the National Election Commission’s irregular hiring—which was suspected of being linked to election fraud—and the Moon Jae-in administration’s espionage activities on behalf of China and North Korea. Upon witnessing this, President Yoon Suk-yeol, unable to stand idly by in the face of such atrocities committed by anti-state forces, decided to impose martial law on December 2, 2024, to safeguard the constitutional order of liberal democracy, and subsequently declared martial law at 10:30 p.m. on December 3, 2024.
President Yoon Suk-yeol’s state of emergency was declared at 10:30 p.m. on December 3, 2024, and, following the National Assembly’s resolution to lift martial law at 1:03 a.m. on December 4, 2024, troops were immediately withdrawn from the National Assembly, effectively lifting the state of emergency. Subsequently, the lifting was formally declared at 4:29 a.m. on December 4, 2024, following a Cabinet meeting. In effect, martial law was lifted in just about two and a half hours. Only a very small number of soldiers and police were mobilized for martial law, and they were deployed to the National Assembly and buildings related to the National Election Commission. They were deployed to the National Assembly to maintain order out of concern that large crowds might gather there, and they were deployed to facilities related to the National Election Commission out of concern that forces involved in election fraud might attempt to remove evidence of fraud to the outside during martial law. The purpose of the deployment to the National Election Commission’s server room was to verify whether issues previously identified by the National Intelligence Service during an inspection of the Commission’s IT management—such as whether connections to external networks had been blocked and whether passwords were set to “12345”—had been rectified. Even these basic checks could not be carried out due to obstruction by the National Election Commission and the judiciary.
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